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> what about your friends retweeting. You are able to block the account and then you wouldn't see retweets. If they screenshot something then you could shrug a
by brigandish 5y ago
> what about your friends retweeting.
You are able to block the account and then you wouldn't see retweets. If they screenshot something then you could shrug and get on with your day in the knowledge that you'd stopped most of the stuff, or block your friend. I'd give users more tools, like the one Twitter itself has, to rate accounts and shape the kind of tweets one can see.
> it's also about public good and legitimate intention to stop attacks on the foundations of our republic and stop the spread of dangerous (imho should. be libelous under law to combat) lies.
If stopping lies comes at the cost of undermining free speech for everyone, then it would be the thing undermining the republic, far more than a known liar lying.
I rely on Mill for my views on bad men speaking bad things:
> It is also often argued, and still oftener thought, that none but bad men would desire to weaken these salutary beliefs; and there can be nothing wrong, it is thought, in restraining bad men, and prohibiting what only such men would wish to practise. This mode of thinking makes the justification of restraints on discussion not a question of the truth of doctrines, but of their usefulness; and flatters itself by that means to escape the responsibility of claiming to be an infallible judge of opinions. But those who thus satisfy themselves, do not perceive that the assumption of infallibility is merely shifted from one point to another. The usefulness of an opinion is itself matter of opinion: as disputable, as open to discussion, and requiring discussion as much, as the opinion itself. There is the same need of an infallible judge of opinions to decide an opinion to be noxious, as to decide it to be false, unless the opinion condemned has full opportunity of defending itself. And it will not do to say that the heretic may be allowed to maintain the utility or harmlessness of his opinion, though forbidden to maintain its truth. The truth of an opinion is part of its utility. If we would know whether or not it is desirable that a proposition should be believed, is it possible to exclude the consideration of whether or not it is true?
- dillondoyle 5y agoI am not - and I hope no one seriously is - talking about stopping or curtailing speech for everyone. Trump & members of Congress's actions are not "opinion: disputable, open to discussion." Clear facts that actually happened. The election was free and fair. Fact. There was minuscule fraud which did not affect outcomes, even on the smallest level. Plus a decent chunk of the worst offenders were Republicans including the COS who actively engaged in this sedition. Fact. Congress was violently attacked. Fact. Trump & sworn Government Representatives tried to overturn the election, subvert democracy, and overthrow the Government. Fact. That can not be supported and is a clear exception to free speech that is grossly & intentionally harmful.
- john_the_writer 5y ago
- dillondoyle 5y agoHow the hell did you get that from what i wrote
- john_the_writer 5y ago> I am not - talking about stopping or curtailing speech for everyone. > But we should stop people from saying things we know are lies. Paraphrasing the last bit.
- deleted 5y ago[deleted]
- nradov 5y agoWhile I deplore the way that Trump and some members of Congress attempted to undermine the election results, the 1st Amendment contains no exception for such actions. You should read the Constitution.
- weakfish 5y agoI think they may be referring to legal precedent that has been set, I.e. fire in a crowded theater, but that’s just my off the top of my head guess from mobile
- nradov 5y agoNo that wouldn't be a valid or relevant legal precedent for this issue.
- dillondoyle 5y agoI did not say there is some specific written clause in the constitution tying speech and sedition. I am not an extreme textualist SCOTUS member lol. To the below comment, I do believe courts have interpreted and created law which applies to Trump's words and actions, specifically on reasonable restrictions to speech which incites, creates, has immediate danger. Trump's actions and words fit that and he is culpable for the actions resulting from his words. On the actual law surrounding the consequences of his speech and attempts to subvert our Government and Democracy Fourteenth Amendment Section 3 No person shall be a Senator or Representative in Congress, or elector of President and Vice-President, or hold any office, civil or military, under the United States, or under any State, who, having previously taken an oath, as a member of Congress, or as an officer of the United States, or as a member of any State legislature, or as an executive or judicial officer of any State, to support the Constitution of the United States, shall have engaged in insurrection or rebellion against the same, or given aid or comfort to the enemies thereof. But Congress may by a vote of two-thirds of each House, remove such disability. Law specific says incites https://uscode.house.gov/view.xhtml?path=/prelim@title18/part1/chapter115&edition=prelim#:~:text=Whoever%20incites%2C%20sets%20on%20foot,holding%20any%20office%20under%20the https://uscode.house.gov/view.xhtml?path=/prelim@title18/par...