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Intuitively I agree with this, and think militarization of law enforcement is terrifying, but this report at a glance has some issues. I want to understand the
by gfodor 12y ago
Intuitively I agree with this, and think militarization of law enforcement is terrifying, but this report at a glance has some issues. I want to understand the trade off here, but they fail to pose SWAT as a real trade off for officer safety in many cases. For example, they cite that of the raids where police predicted weapons, 35% of the raids turned out to have weapons, 32% did not, and for the remaining 33% it is unknown if they did or did not. The way they interpret this data is:
"We found in the course of our investigation that the
SWAT team found weapons (the overwhelming majority of
which were firearms such as handguns, but rarely assault
rifles) in just over one-third of the incidents in which they predicted finding them, which suggests the police are not particularly good at accurately forecasting the presence of weapons."
This is transparent bullshit, because in their very table they state that a third of the raids it was unknown. If we assume that the 'unknown' state is random (an assumption), ie ~half of those unknown accounts had weapons and the rest didn't based upon the known positive and negative rates being close to even, this means that no, the police didn't guess only one third of the time correctly, they guessed correctly approx 53% of the time, more than half of the time. The next step is to ask if a 50/50 chance of being right that you might be under threat of a weapon means you should err on the side of SWAT, but they don't ask that, they just say that we should "we would expect them to find weapons in nearly all of the incidents studied." Says who? Risk is a game of probabilities, and obviously there needs to be some threshold for which cops deploy SWAT with regards to the likelihood of weapons being present. Regardless of if the randomness of the unknown assumption is true, they are transparently mis-characterizing the data here.
Additionally, their section on race seems transparently broken. They are measuring absolute measures, not relative measures. To understand race bias in SWAT, you need to understand the rate at which SWAT is deployed for warrants for a given demographic. Instead, they spent most of their analysis (if this rate is in there, I missed it) on absolute metrics; but we all know already that on an absolute basis, law enforcement spends a disproportionate amount of time in minority communities. You can argue if this is due to systemic bias or not, but this is obviously a dependent variable if we're trying to answer the question "Do cops deploy SWAT more if they are dealing with minorities?", and it doesn't seem to be treated as such.
edit: Classy downvotes, HN thought police!
- angersock 12y agoSo, a third of the time there were guns (though not specified if they were being used against the officers, up in a safe, or tucked away somewhere), a third of the time there were not, and a third of the time the cops were too sloppy to accurately assess the presence of firearms? And these are the bozos we want to let have automatic weapons, body armor, and carte blanche to show up in the middle of the night? Fuck that.
- gfodor 12y agoThey don't specify why a third of the time it was unknown. But feel free to make more baseless conjectures I guess.
- jleader 12y agoThere are two separate questions that you're confusing. You seem interested in "is the use of SWAT systematically _more_ biased against minorities than law enforcement in general." The report seems to be addressing "is the use of SWAT systematically biased against minorities, _regardless_ of the state of the rest of law enforcement." Both are interesting questions, but it's silly to criticize an attempt to answer one question for not answering the other. Minority individuals abused by SWAT probably won't be cheered up by "don't complain about SWAT's bias, you also get an unfair bias in jaywalking tickets."
- gfodor 12y ago