In the past, in the days of "early high capitalism," it was the inverse: the capitalists were under such duress from market conditions that their everyday fate

In the past, in the days of "early high capitalism," it was the inverse: the capitalists were under such duress from market conditions that their everyday fate was completely unpredictable, one could become rich or poor on a whim of the market. On the other hand, the workers, seeing the uncertainty in the movement of capital, organized themselves and attempted to overthrow the system. Thus, the counter-revolution, the subject of Marx's 18th Brumaire book. This happens in many places, in many times, over and over again, whenever the workers gain some level of consciousness the capitalists realize that they too are a class, and they fight back against them, and they get stronger and more well-organized every time. But the market demands unpredictability, mobility, interchangeability; these counterrevolutions fall apart by their own conditions of possibility, that of the rule of the very class whose sole wealth comes from further destabilizing their own ability to rule. These crises, when they happen, are the only cracks in the counter-revolution; and both the strains of organized labor on the economy and the development of capital itself can create their conditions. On account of that, if one wishes to overturn the rule of capital, they have two choices: as a worker, to become an organizer. As a capitalist, to expand the rule of capital and break through state-controls. So, while there may not be "meritocracy," there certainly is a virtue in the domination of the market over the domination of the state, and individuals in any class position benefit from the liberalization of an economy.