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I don't buy this take, and this rebuttal does a better job than I could of explaining why: https://andersource.dev/2022/04/19/dk-autocorrelation.html https://an
by tempestn 3y ago
I don't buy this take, and this rebuttal does a better job than I could of explaining why: https://andersource.dev/2022/04/19/dk-autocorrelation.html https://andersource.dev/2022/04/19/dk-autocorrelation.html
Basically, this autocorrelation take shows that if performance and evaluation of performance were random and independent, you would get a graph like the D-K one, and therefore it states that the effect is just autocorrelation. But in reality, it would be very surprising if performance and evaluation of performance were independent. We expect people to be able to accurately rate their own ability. And D-K did indeed show a correlation between the two, just not as strong of one as we would expect. Rather, they showed a consistent bias. That's the interesting result. They then posit reasons for this. One could certainly debate those reasons. But to say the whole effect is just a statistical artifact because random, independent variables would act in a similar way ignores the fact that these variables aren't expected to be independent.
- Jensson 3y agoThe effect that the worst overestimate their skill is known since before, that wasn't the main result of Dunning-Kruger. The effect that the best underestimate their skill can be chalked up to auto-correlation.
- tempestn 3y agoThe best don't tend to overestimate their skill; they underestimate it. The D-K results show a consistent bias in estimates toward (somewhere near) the mean. Hence an overestimate at the bottom and an underestimate at the top.
- Jensson 3y ago> The best don't tend to overestimate their skill; they underestimate I wrote the wrong word, I fixed it. The best can't overestimate their rank, so of course that wasn't what I meant.
- anonymouskimmer 3y agoDunning-Kruger posits this as a psychological effect, yes? On the top half psychological effects such as imposter syndrome could come in to play. Have sociological factors such as being kind or big fish little pond been considered as likely causes of the misestimates?
- chiefalchemist 3y agoI have the same question...why do some get it so wrong? Was there a nudge in the process of the study that caused some to answer what they did? Heck, I'm wondering if "Honestly, I can't say" was an allowed response. Or were they forced to pick a number? If so, then I'd want to know what happens when you ask 100 ppl to pick a number between 0 and 100. I bet it's not evenly distributed. Maybe the beginners give a "discounted" version of the distribution? Even if the autocorrection explanation is off, there does now seem to be flaws in DK, at least from the perspective of pure and proper science
- svnt 3y agoThe author of this assumes the conclusion in order to decide how to analyze his data. He cannot reasonably say both: > we have a decision to make: what are we going to assume? How are we going to quantify our surprise from the results? > The first option is, as in the case of the state census, to assume dependence between X and Y. I.e. to assume that, generally, people are capable of self-assessing their performance. > The second option conforms with the Research Methods 101 rule-of-thumb “always assume independence.” Until proven otherwise, we should assume people have no ability to self-assess their performance. > It seems to me glaringly obvious that the first option is much, much more reasonable than the second. — and - > most notably the claim that the more skilled people are, the better they are at self-assessing their performance. This result is supported by their plot, but in any case, my issue is not with objections to this claim and then expect to carry any credibility. The author of this piece both suggests that a key variable is fixed and later admits it varies within the same dataset. I guess at least they admit it, but this lacks basic self-consistency.
- Jensson 3y ago> The author of this piece both suggests that a key variable is fixed and later admits it varies within the same dataset. I don't see how that variable changes, here is an example how the error variable can be exactly the same for everyone and reproduce the results: Lets say the overconfidence is always that you feel 50% of those better than you are actually worse than you. So everyone is equally overconfident, just that the top wont move their own placings as much as the bottom since there are much fewer people that they can mistake being worse than them. Then apply noise to this and you get the graph Dunning-Kruger got. You could say "But they are better at estimating their rank!", but that is just a mathematical artefact, it isn't a psychological result. Even if everyone always guessed that they are number 1, the better you are the better your guess will be, but in that case it is easy to see that everyone overestimates their skill in the same way instead of the better people having a fundamentally different way of evaluating themselves.
- raincole 3y ago> Lets say the overconfidence is always that you feel 50% of those better than you are actually worse than you. So everyone is equally overconfident, just that the top wont move their own placings as much as the bottom since there are much fewer people that they can mistake being worse than them. Then apply noise to this and you get the graph Dunning-Kruger got. But the data of original D-K paper shows that the top 25% people underestimate their placings. So this whole paragraph, while logically true, has little to do with the original D-K effect. > You could say "But they are better at estimating their rank!", but that is just a mathematical artefact, it isn't a psychological result. Even if everyone always guessed that they are number 1... If everyone always guessed that they are number 1, it's a huge psychological result: it means people are extremely irrational when it comes to self-evaluation.
- atleastoptimal 3y agoThe issue is people have differing personal definitions of Dunning Kruger. The generally demonstrated effect in the sample of people Dunning and Kruger analyzed was "people tend to estimate the percentile of their own skill as closer to the average than it really is, with a slight bias towards an above-average mean. This leads to overestimation of relative ability by those in lower percentiles, and the opposite for those in higher percentiles" However when people cite Dunning Kruger in popular culture they mean "below average people think they're above average, and above average people assume they're below average", which was not shown in the original study, and wouldn't show up in an analysis attempting to justify it via a misunderstanding of autocorrelation. The general point in the rebuttal is correct. A completely noisy graph of people's estimations of their own ability would show a Dunning-Kruger resembling residual graph (x-y vs x). However, one wouldn't expect people in the 1st percentile to have an equal distribution of perceived skill as people in the 50th or 99th percentile. If that were true, it would be worth reporting.
- ShamelessC 3y ago> "below average people think they're above average, and above average people assume they're below average" There’s no way to know if you’re wrong, but when I see it used it seems to be pointing out - “some (not all) under qualified people tend to defer to their own beliefs rather than the views/statements from experts, even when that is demonstrably silly.” ^ Referring to the pop-sci interpretation, not in disagreement with the general point.
- staunton 3y agoWhich also has nothing at all to do with this study by Dunning and Kruger. So you agree with the general point of parent.
- ShamelessC 3y agoYes. Just clarifying a small disagreement about the pop-sci interpretation of the phrase.
- crazygringo 3y agoYup. Assuming the sample sizes are statistically significant, the original paper clearly shows: - On average, people estimate their ability around the 65th percentile (actual results) rather than the 50th (simulated random results) -- a significant difference - That people's self-estimation increases with their actual ability, but only by a surprisingly small degree (actual results show a slight upwards trend, simulated random results are flat) -- another significant difference The author's entire discussion of "autocorrelation" is a red herring that has nothing to do with anything. Their randomly-generated results do not match what the original paper shows. None of this really sheds much light on to what degree the results can be or have been robustly replicated, of course. But there's nothing inherently problematic whatsoever about the way it's visualized. (It would be nice to see bars for variance, though.)
- ketozhang 3y agoThe autocorrelation is important to show that it's transformation to D-K plot will always give you the D-K affect for independent variables. However, the focus on autocorrelation is not very illuminating. We can explain the behaviors found quite easily: - If everyone's self-assessment score are (uniformally) random guesses, then the average self-assessment score for any quantile is 50%. Then of course those of lower quantile (less skilled) are overestimating. - If self-assessment score vs actual score are dependent proportionally, then the average of each quantile is always at least it's quantile value. This is the D-K effect, which is weaker as the correlation grows. -The opposite is true for disproportional relation. So, the D-K plot is extremely sensitive to correlations and can easily over-exaggerate the weakest of correlations.
- cortesoft 3y ago> That people's self-estimation increases with their actual ability, but only by a surprisingly small degree (actual results show a slight upwards trend, simulated random results are flat) -- another significant difference If everyone thinks they are slightly above average, isn't this inevitable? If everyone thinks they are slightly above average, people who are slightly above average are going to be the most accurate at predicting where they land?
- IAmGraydon 3y agoSo what we have here is some scientists trying to prove that the Dunning-Kruger effect doesn’t exist and instead they give us a perfect example of the Dunning-Kruger effect.
- wyldfire 3y ago> The irony is that the situation is actually reversed. In their seminal paper, Dunning and Kruger are the ones broadcasting their (statistical) incompetence by conflating autocorrelation for a psychological effect. In this light, the paper’s title may still be appropriate. It’s just that it was the authors (not the test subjects) who were ‘unskilled and unaware of it’.
- t_mann 3y agoI was surprised by the figure from the original article, imho that's the strongest rebuttal: perceived ability grows strictly mononotonically with actual ability, no sign of the famous non-monotonic U-curve. Yeah, the slope is less than one, and it grows a bit faster from the second to the third quartile than from the first to the second, but none of that changes the fact that people tend to slot themselves correctly. The chart is interesting in that it confirms that everyone perceives themselves to be slightly above average in terms of ability, which of course can't be true in practice. But what it also shows is that when they think they'll be below or above that (false) baseline, they're actually correct about it. So pretty much the exact opposite of what the Dunning-Kruger effect claims.
- jampekka 3y agoThe slope will be less than one if there's e.g. any random guessing in the test even if the self-assesment is perfect (apart from whether they know if their guess is right or wrong of course) [1]. I think this is the effect that the post is dancing around, but doesn't seem to really understand (and how "autocorrelation" and indepence are discussed is very nonstandard to be charitable). [1] https://en.m.wikipedia.org/wiki/Regression_dilution https://en.m.wikipedia.org/wiki/Regression_dilution
- t_mann 3y agoI agree, the statistical analysis in the original post makes me very uneasy. I think it could be a case where the conclusion is correct, even though argument isn't necessarily. And yes, the fact that the slope is less than one is fairly uninteresting. The real problem here is that the Dunning-Kruger effect, as it's classically stated, claims that if you asked four people to rank themselves in terms of ability, the result would be 1-3-2-4, ie the people who know a little would put themselves above the people who know a lot but aren't quite experts. The problem is the data shows that they'd actually rank themselves correctly 1-2-3-4. But such a boring finding probably wouldn't have made the authors quite as famous, which might be why they tried bit of data mangling, and they found this really cool story that everyone would secretly love to be true. Which is a shame, because I think the fact that the mean of perceived ability is too high (and the variance too low) is really interesting too, and perfectly supported by the raw data.
- raincole 3y ago> And D-K did indeed show a correlation between the two, just not as strong of one as we would expect. Rather, they showed a consistent bias. That's the interesting result. "D-K effect in its original form" vs "D-K effect in pop culture" is the biggest D-K effect live example. Of course I mean D-K effect in pop culture here. Interestingly, the "interesting" part of the original result is that the correlation between actual performance and perceived performance is less than people intuitively think. But as the "D-K effect in pop culture" spreads, people's collective intuition changes. Today if you explained the original D-K effect to a random person on the internet, they might find it interesting because the correlation is greater than they thought: they thought the correlation would be negative!
- hoosieree 3y agoD-K effect effect is almost as entertaining as the Butterfly effect effect[1]. [1]: Which is the far-away effect attributed to having watched the movie The Butterfly Effect.
- expazl 3y ago> But in reality, it would be very surprising if performance and evaluation of performance were independent. We expect people to be able to accurately rate their own ability. This seems to be attacking an irrelevant point in the analysis. The argument goes as such: Researcher carries out all the studies needed to prove the Dunning-Kruger effect, then trips and drops all the results into a vat of acid. But he's ashamed and quickly generates random numbers for the results, and somehow the data still proves the Dunning-Kruger effect. Not just that, repeating the same exercise again and again with completely random data leads to the same result, the effect is always present. So is the Dunning-kruger effect so powerful that it exists in the very fabric of the universe devoid of any human interaction, or is something amiss? In this situation we are forced to look at the test we have that concluded from the data that the Dunning-Kruger effect exists and conclude that it's a bad test, we need something different. You seem to be arguing "oh no, you can't look at random data, because we wouldn't expect the experiment to yield random data!". But that doesn't work as an argument for why the test should still be considered good. If it's supposed to have any worth, then the test has to be able to come to one of two conclusions: The Dunning-Kruger effect exists or the Dunning-Kruger effect doesn't exist. And if the test is set up such that for positive experimental results, or just random noise, it comes out in the positive, and only in extremely unlikely and a narrow band of the possible outcome space come out negative, then the test is bad. If we want to try to rephrase everything a bit to make the issue much clearer. Lets set up a coin-toss competition between ChatGPT and a group of 100 people. Each participant goes 1:1 against ChatGPT where both parties toss a coin and whoever has the most heads wins, on draws toss again, in case a pair goes into an infinite loop that doesn't end before our allotted trial time, they get removed from the study. A human assistant tosses on the behalf of ChatGPT on account of it not having arms yet. Now we ask each person how they would rate their ability vs. ChatGPT in a coin-toss, everyone answers 50/50, for obvious reasons. So we run the experiment, the line for "ability plotted against ability" is a straight diagonal line. The line for estimated ability vs actual ability is a a straight flat line at 50%. Eureka! To the presses! we have just proven the Dunning-Coin-Kruger effect! People who are worse at throwing coins tend to over estimate their ability, and people who are better at throwing coins underestimate their ability! What a marvelous bit of psychological insight, it really tells us something about how the human mind works, and has broader insights about our society! But naturally we always expected this outcome, people who are bad a tossing coins are dumb and of cause they are overconfident, not like people who are good at tossing coins who have a remarkable Intellect about themselves and are therefore humble in their self estimation... and so on and on about preconceived biases that have nothing to do with the actual test we performed.
- cool_dude85 3y agoYeah this must be some high end satire where the guy Dunning-Krugers up an explanation of Dunning-Kruger. Since even an economist is supposed to understand ANOVA I have to conclude that this article is a joke.
- nickelpro 3y agoThe incorrect usage of "autocorrelation" made me double take and wonder if this was satire the first time it was posted.
- mistercheph 3y ago[flagged]
- xpe 3y agoThe rebuttal by Daniel (andersource.dev) is useful, generally. However, when he writes ... > The history of statistics is well out of scope for this post, but very succinctly, my answer is that statistics is an attempt to objectively quantify surprise. ... I cannot agree. Statistics is not this; it is much broader. One may or may not be surprised by particular statistics, sure, but there are _specific_ concepts that map more directly to surprise, such as entropy from information theory.
- vasco 3y agoIf entropy is defined as statistical disorder than I think the definition of "quantifying surprise" is great.
- deleted 3y ago[deleted]
- xpe 3y agoYou aren't suggesting that statistics as a field defined a notion of "order", prior to thermodynamic entropy or Shannon entropy, are you? To me, that would be circular. Based on my knowledge, it seems likely the first published quantification of disorder arose in the study of thermodynamic entropy. Later, Shannon defined entropy in information-theoretic terms, independent of physics. It can be interpreted as a notion of 'surprise' or what he called information. My claims: First, the field of statistics is _not_ historically rooted around concepts such as: "order/ordering" or "information/surprise". Second, the field of statistics, as a directed graph of abstractions, is not rooted in ordering nor surprise. Third, in teaching statistics, practically or conceptually, the concept of surprise isn't foundational. The idea of _variation_, on the other hand, is central. I'll add a few more comments. To talk meaningfully about 'surprise', there has to be a stated or assumed baseline or 'expectation' about what is _not_ surprising. For Shannon, if the probability of an event is certain, there is no surprise. Probability and statistics work together, but they are conceptually separable. This is particularly clear when you compare descriptive statistics with, say, probabilities over combinatorics problems.
- 3y ago
- zeroonetwothree 3y agoThis rebuttal seems weak because it’s using unbounded datasets (population). A big issue with the DK research is using bounded data (test scores). For example if I get 100% right it’s mathematically impossible to have overestimated.
- kkoyung 3y agoI agree. Using the terminologies from the author, the DK paper was trying to show that dy/dx < 1 = dx/dx, rather than the correlation of y-x vs x.
- bradley13 3y agoI have to agree. You cannot separate the statistical analysis from the meaning of the study. In the article, the author's random data is exactly an extreme replication of Dunning-Kruger. Why? Because, in his random data, people with low test scores almost always overestimate their ability, while people with high test scores almost always underestimate. That is precisely the premise of the Dunning-Kruger effect. The fact that the original Dunning-Kruger paper shows a less extreme effect? That just shows that people are slightly better than random at estimating their own abilities - but still nowhere accurate.
- jgilias 3y agoSo that’s what the Dunning-Kruger effect basically boils down to, right? That people in general are just bad at assessing their skills.
- mnky9800n 3y agoI really appreciate that he points out that the use of the term in the original article of autocorrelation is nonstandard. Because it is nonstandard but it's a rather flippant way to dismiss the rest of the article.
- somenameforme 3y agoI found two very interesting things in the original D-K paper [1] that challenge your otherwise reasonable point. The first is that the graph everybody associates with D-K, the one showing the beautifully perfect linear result, is one of 4. The other 3 graphs are far messier, and indeed the paper discusses the fact that the correlations tend to be weaker and in some cases nonexistent. The second thing is that that beautiful perfectly linear graph everybody references, was measuring 'humor'!!! Humor is going to be something that's all but guaranteed to create near complete noise between self evaluation and 'expert' (professional comedians in this case) evaluation. And if everybody is essentially randomly guessing on their performance, then it will always show an extremely strong D-K effect with the top performers underestimating themselves, and the bottom performers overestimating themselves. The experiment that most simply and directly measured 'intelligence', without complicating matters in a potentially confounding fashion, is #2. It was based on logic problems from the LSAT. And the resultant graph is just all over the place. Quoting the paper's evaluation of this study: --- "Participants did not, however, overestimate how many questions they answered correctly, M = 13.3 (perceived) vs. 12.9 (actual), t < 1. As in Study 1, perceptions of ability were positively related to actual ability, although in this case, not to a significant degree." --- This is really looking like another Zimbardo. [1] - https://sci-hub.se/10.1037/0022-3514.77.6.1121 https://sci-hub.se/10.1037/0022-3514.77.6.1121
- mike_hearn 3y agoYes, D-K is another one of those "classic" psychology studies that everyone knows about but is actually rubbish and shouldn't be cited for anything. You're not the first to notice this, I pointed it out on HN last year: https://news.ycombinator.com/item?id=31119836 https://news.ycombinator.com/item?id=31119836 At some point I should write up a proper blog post on the D-K paper in the hope that it eventually surfaces in search results, because it's past time for this paper to be put to bed. The problems you cite aren't even the full set. The whole thing was (of course) a study on a handful of psych undergrads, their selection method for expert comedians has circular logic in it and it all goes downhill from there.
- tempestn 3y agoBut again isn't the fact that, "perceptions of ability were positively related to actual ability, although in this case, not to a significant degree" an interesting result? Not the fact that they were related, but the fact that they mostly weren't! That does demonstrate the core result as I understand it, that people are little better than random at evaluating their own performance, which was a surprising finding.
- gwd 3y ago> And D-K did indeed show a correlation between the two, just not as strong of one as we would expect. Rather, they showed a consistent bias. That's the interesting result. Right, so: 1. If the data were truly random, with no correlation, we'd expect the line to be straight across the middle, with the first quartile at 50% and the last quartile also at 50% 2. If the data were 100% accurate and precise [1], we'd expect the line to be diagonal, with the first quartile at 12.5% and the last quartile at 87.5%. 3. If the data were accurate but not precise (i.e., basically right but with some randomness built in), we'd expect the line to be in between #1 and #2 -- basically, changing from #2 into #1 as the randomness increases, but with the intersection at 50%. That's because someone in the 2nd percentile can't underestimate themselves as much as they can overestimate themselves, and someone in the 98th percentile can't oversetimate themselves as much as they can underestimate themselves. But in any case, the "0 bias" case looks symmetric. 4. But what we actually see is none of the above: we see the 1st quartile being at (eyeballing the chart) 60%, and the last quartile at 75%. That shows that there is indeed some ability for self-evaluation, but it's off. The fourth quartile could indeed just be random, the effect of clipping at the top meaning that the upper quartile cannot overestimate themselves as much as they understimate themselves. But there's no getting around the fact that the bottom quartile are overestimating themselves. [1] https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Accuracy_and_precision https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Accuracy_and_precision
- bitshiftfaced 3y ago> But there's no getting around the fact that the bottom quartile are overestimating themselves. It's because higher competence goes along with more accurate self-assessment but not less bias. So the high performers underestimate with less magnitude than the low performers overestimate, but they both under and over estimate themselves with the same frequency.
- 3abiton 3y agoThat was a very nice read!