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The Puebloan discussion is very…odd. It focuses on the Pueblo Revolt (1680) as a magical demarcation point for Puebloan contact with the horse, based on two 10
by onecommentman 3y ago
The Puebloan discussion is very…odd. It focuses on the Pueblo Revolt (1680) as a magical demarcation point for Puebloan contact with the horse, based on two 100-year-old Anthropological papers that I’ve never seen referenced in the New Mexicana literature I’ve read. Nor have I ever read the Pueblo-Revolt-horse-first thesis mentioned in any New Mexico history texts from the 1800s, or 1900s. It reads like a straw man argument to me. Nowhere near “the earliest date accepted by Western science” argued (without support) in the conclusions. Anthropologists might have been that foolish, but no professional Western historian ever was. (I stand to be proven wrong, however.)
European contact (riding European horses) for Puebloans would have started with Coronado’s expedition in 1540, and certainly extended with Oñate’s colonization starting in 1598. The Pueblo revolt was 1680. That is at least 80 years of intimate (read up on encomienda/repartimento and Mission churches for more details) Hispano/Pueblo contact prior to the Revolt. What historian would think Puebloans were uninvolved with horses pre-Pueblo-Revolt, when they were in physical partnership (a highly unequal partnership) with horse-riding Europeans for 80 years prior to the Pueblo Revolt. Why would a horse bone at Paa’ko in the early 1600s, when there were already many Spanish colonists in Northern New Mexico, be a surprise?
[There is, however, no mention of Puebloans using, or even being aware of, horses prior to any European contacts in any historical chronicle of the period, and this was such a crucial point for the Conquistadors that someone would have mentioned it, since the horse was perhaps the major strategic military advantage they had from 1540 through 1680. Evidence of that early an awareness would be significant if true. Very unlikely, given the European historical records that report no horses in any Pueblos encountered over those many years, but not impossible.]
Also, arguing “broad use of the horse” in Pueblo culture from a single Paa’ko horse bone dated to the period when many Spanish colonists were also in the 240000 sq mi “Kingdom of New Mexico” (Santa Fe de Nuevo México) is a bit of a stretch.
It wouldn’t surprise me, or many others, that horses were in more common use by the Comanche, Apaches, etc. in the 1600s than previously thought. It would add credence to the notion that availability of horses led to an increase in raiding parties from such tribes on the Pueblos after the Revolt and was one reason the post-Revolt Reconquista was so surprisingly successful.
- ggm 3y agoYou are familiar with terminus post quem? Genomic evidence and things like tree-ring dates often provide "no later than" evidence and so your observations to "but 80 years" are true, and reasonable, but also conjectural: find a document, get an artefact, or.. it's terminus post quem. (I'm sure you know this) Within a few moments of being shown steel artefacts, islanders depending on stone age tools sought to obtain them, no matter how small, from sailors. It wouldn't surprise me if the first artefacts consciously designed to be sold to islander indigenous peoples has a 10-20 year lag, for whaling ships to realise it was better to source cheap knives to sell, than sell their own goods. Whaling ships stayed at sea for 2 or more seasons so it's easy to get to 5, 10 years purely on the mechanistic dynamics. What percentage of written evidence to islander trade remains esablishes in like sense terminus post quem. If only one diary in a hundred survives, what chance it's the first one in time? Patrick O'Brien writes of a reader complaining that his use of eau de cologne in georgean naval fiction is anachronistic. He responds in print that whilst written evidence of eau de cologne may lag his fictions time by 20 years he has little doubt people were using it, before they wrote about it. Analogous I feel.
- AlotOfReading 3y agoThe traditional (i.e. 1950s-1970s/1980s) narrative of Puebloan-Spanish interactions prior to the Pueblo Revolt is one of Spanish domination, in large part because of the reliance on Spanish literary sources. Social historians have explored resistance and resilience to colonial authority, but many scholars have continued working within the essential framework of that relationship. It's largely been native authors making the argument for indigenous cultures to exist in the narratives as causative, independent agents in their own right rather than defining them by their appearance in extant colonial literature. This is a fairly recent development, 1980s onward with it becoming fairly mainstream around the mid 00s. So no, it's not a strawman. I had to stop here for brevity's sake though.